During the last decade, the microfinance movement has considerably changed the financial landscape around the world. It has inspired new banking concepts that have given hope to the poor households for the betterment of their livelihoods through their own efforts and labour. The project aims to shed light on the effect that the stakeholders actions and interests have on the success (or failure) of microfinance institutions worldwide. Such interests; being as diverse in nature as are the institutes or organisations that present or signify them; there is a significant need to systematically differentiate the different tiers and levels of the complex environment in which they normally operate. In particular, the institutional infrastructure of the country of operation (comprising of the bureaucracy, the law keeping agencies and the politicians), the informal societal structures (comprising of the form of society be it feudal, patriarchal or traditional, in addition local money lenders and or local commercial banks etc.) and also external agencies like the NGOs and the donor aid agencies, both at the local and at the national level need to be taken into account. It is the objective of this Ph.D. project to shed some light on this aspect. The project encompasses an econometric cross-country analysis complemented by two case studies both in South Asia, namely Pakistan and India. The research project is financed by the University priority research program (URPP) “Asia and Europe” (Research Group “Norms and Social Orders”).
Why are some policymakers able to adjust their policies in response to deteriorating economic conditions, while other policymakers delay adjustment as long as possible, a policy path that typically ends with an economic crisis? This project examines this question by focusing on the area of exchange-rate policy, where delayed devaluations frequently end with a currency crisis. The project extends my research on exchange-rate politics and analyses how exchange-rate level preferences interact with institutions to shape monetary and exchange-rate policy outcomes. I am particularly interested in explaining time-inconsistencies in exchange-rate policymaking. The project examines how distributional and electoral concerns can create strong incentives for policymakers to delay adjustment as long as possible. I argue that these incentives are particularly strong when voters are very vulnerable to both exchange and interest rate adjustments. Major currency crashes are particularly likely when voters are highly exposed to exchange rate changes but even more vulnerable to internal adjustment policies, and when electoral incentives prevent timely reform. This project was generously funded by the Fritz-Thyssen Foundation.
Reaching internationally agreed climate targets such as the limitation of global warming to 2 degrees will require substantial mitigation actions not only by industrialized but also by rapidly developing countries. Given their development status, developing countries’ actions have been supported financially by industrialized countries for over 20 years now. This project analyzes the effectiveness of past international support for climate change mitigation in developing countries and aims to draw conclusions for future support programs. In particular, the project compares the effectiveness of public finance (example: Global Environment Facility, GEF) and carbon markets (example: Clean Development Mechanism, CDM). The analysis is carried out in four steps. First, we estimate the effectiveness of the two financing channels in driving deployment of renewable energies, which are seen as key technologies for climate change mitigation. For this purpose, we use a panel data model covering twenty years and more than hundred countries. The main aim of this step is to test whether micro-level effectiveness claims by international institutions correspond to real observable changes in technology adoption. In a second step, we analyze the influence of international climate finance on adoption of national renewable energy policies, using an event history model that controls for other domestic and international drivers of policy adoption. In a third step, we examine micro level data on GEF and CDM mitigation projects to see whether we find a correlation between the mobilization of private investment and the projects’ effectiveness in reducing greenhouse gases. A low or non-significant correlation would challenge international calls to target those programs where most private finance is mobilized. In a fourth step, we analyze the overall financial input into international climate change programs, which is also a major determinant of ultimate effectiveness. The overall financial input will depend on how legal texts on international finance commitments are understood. We particularly focus on the question how the commitment to “new and additional” climate finance is understood and which types of private financial flows are part of international commitments.
Das Projekt evaluiert ein EU-Planspiel bei 35 Gymnasialklassen in Deutschland. Im EU-Planspiel simulieren die Schülerinnen und Schüler den Erlass einer Energieverordnung in der EU. Dabei werden die Mechanismen und Funktionsweisen der Europäischen Kommission, des Rats der EU und des Europäischen Parlaments erläutert und praktisch angewendet. Die Untersuchung hat zum Ziel den Nutzen und die Vorteile dieses Planspiels gegenüber dem regulären Schulunterricht zu evaluieren. Zudem wird untersucht, inwiefern das Planspiel zur Steigerung des politischen Interesses und Wissens bei den Lernenden beiträgt.
This research project examines the impact of ethnicity on primary education. In particular, the project seeks to identify the role of politicization of ethnicity and as well to provide empirical evidence for its relevance. Moreover, it will present detailed information on important theoretical considerations and incorporate them into a comprehensive theory of ethnicity. There is considerable interest in the theoretical literature as of how ethnicity influences development. Much research has been conducted on the effect of ethnicity on civil conflicts, economic growth and public goods. Education, as one important public good, has, however, received little attention. The few studies on the impact of ethnicity on education produced a fragmentary theory and ambiguous empirical results. The two most prominent theories explaining the role of ethnicity are clientelism (Chandra 2004; Posner 2005) and sanctioning (Miguel2004; Miguel and Gugerty 2005; Kimenyi 2006). While the clientelism theory focuses on the state distribution of resources for primary education, the sanctioning theory highlights the role of village funding for primary education. Although both theories seem important to explain the role of ethnicity, researchers have so far failed to incorporate them into a comprehensive theory. Besides these theoretical studies, there exists little empirical evidence of the relationship between ethnicity and education (Easterly and Levine 1997; Alesina et al. 1999; Keefer 2005; Habyarimana et al. 2006). Moreover, evidence from the few empirical studies is rather ambiguous. This might be explained by the studies’ failure to account for the political importance of ethnicity, the politicization of ethnicity. The research project addresses these limitations by providing unique evidence from two case studies conducted in Kenya and Tanzania. Due to their unique characteristics, these two countries enable the researcher to study the role of politicization of ethnicity. In addition, the case studies will be used to reassess the clientelism and sanctioning theory. More precisely, a comprehensive data base on resource distribution for primary education will be generated, and interviews with heads of primary schools will be conducted. These results will then be used to examine the relevance of the theoretical considerations and to incorporate these considerations into a comprehensive theory of ethnicity.
Many elements of Swiss energy policy are shaped by the principle of subsidarity common to the federalist political system in Switzerland. The resulting diversity in formulation and implementation of energy policies should promote innovative problem solutions and regionally adapted implementation. The focus of this research project is on the factors influencing the patterns of implementation of energy policies in the Swiss cantons. Therefore, the projects investiagtes the determinants of the behaviour of the cantons (as collective actors) in the energy policy domain. This PhD project concentrates on energy policy measures for buildings, where the cantons are in charge of policies for an efficient energy use and for the promotion of renewable energy. In the first part, the project is searching for explanations how innovative policy solutions (in terms of formulation and implementation) are spraeding among the 26 cantons (policy diffusion). In the second part, the processes of policy transfers are in the research focus. Whereas the first part of the project is designed as a complete census of quantitative macro data of all 26 cantons, the second part applies a comparative case study design.
1. Backround The current constitution of BiH is based on Annex IV of the Dayton Peace Agreement and does not provide an adequate framework for a prosperous future of BiH. Switzerland is strongly supporting the process of constitutional reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 2005. The support was implemented in the frame of programs called “Platform Bosnia and Herzegovina: Contribution to Constitutional Changes”. Till now, two phases were implemented (Phase I and Phase II) and a third phase is planned to be implemented in the period August 2008 – August 2010. The previous phases were implemented with the vision of citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina aware of the need for and supportive to the process of constitutional reform as one of the principal conditions for development of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Programs were tailored to achieve sustainable sensibility over constitutional issues of wider public, especially local communities; support for local actors in the process of constitutional changes; network approach and promotion of political culture (dialogue and participation) in the context of the constitutional reform debate. With the signature of the “Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA)” in June 2008, BiH faces a complex reform process in order to comply with EU standards. Without constitutional changes numerous reform steps will practically be impossible. Certain progress in BiH has been achieved, but some very important problems as political divisions vs. reconciliation or differing views on the role of the state and the relation between the state and the entities and their functioning are still unresolved. In response to these issues, SDC’s new initiatives in the third phase attempts to overcome the difficulties, bringing together the main domestic actors, authorities and civil society. The project will address three additional dimensions: 1) support und facilitation of demand-driven activities, and contribution to institutional capacities 2) collaboration with upper level of government/institutions and 3) regional/inter-municipal level while the previous two phases tracked a decentralised, local approach. 2. Objectives of the project components (Zentrum für Demokratie Aarau) 1) Capacity building of BiH Parliamentary members (MP) and other politically relevant stakeholders is built up, in order to facilitate power sharing with special emphasis on consensus making and strengthening institutional processes and decision-making: • An “Advisory Group” consisting of the chief councillors of the man party leaders in constitutional matters is set up. This provides a basis for building a political consensus, culture of dialogue and exchange of experiences between the Swiss, international and BiH experts; • Expertise/workshop for BiH MPs and key political party advisors dealing with the issues of power sharing and consensus-making in the context of constitutional changes are organized 2) Basic knowledge about the constitution and its meaning is improved among future leaders, in particular within young academics and master students. The emphasis is on the development of students’ capability to critically analyse ways of designing mutual comprehension in a divided society: • University course for future decision-makers on democratic institutions for plural societies is provided 3) Capacity of civil society exponents is built up through exchange visits in Switzerland, enabling them to report neutrally and with good background knowledge on constitutional reform incorporating their informed opinion into the process of reform building: • Working excursion to Switzerland for high profile journalists and opinion leaders is provided • Quality of media coverage of constitutional reform process is increased • Citizens access to proper information on constitutional reform process is improved • Opinion leaders learn about the functioning of local authorities in multilingual settings in Switzerland
Alle -Gemeinden stehen ein für eine nachhaltige Entwiclung – dennoch wird überall ins Grüne gebaut und zersiedelt. Ziel des Projekts ist die Darstellung der politischen und institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen für die räumliche Entwicklung in der . Es stellt sich dabei die Frage, welche Themen auf Gemeindeebene und welche besser auf interkommunaler Ebene bearbeitet werden. Die Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchung sollen in einem Workshop mit VertreterInnen der Gemeinden zurück in die Region fliessen. Besteht ein Zusammenhang zwischen der politischen Landschaft und den baulichen Aktivitäten einer Gemeinde? Unterstützen die kantonalen und nationalen Bestimmungen die Region in ihrem Kampf gegen die Zersiedlung? Mit welchen Massnahmen liesse sich der Zersiedlung wirksam entgegentreten?
Das Forschungsprojekt hat zum Ziel, ein Instrument zu entwerfen, mit welchem die Qualität der Demokratie in den Schweizer Kantonen gemessen werden kann. Die Frage nach Demokratiequalität und deren Messung gewinnt insbesondere im Rahmen der Debatten um Globalisierung und Internationalisierung der Politik sowie der zunehmenden Legitimationskrise des demokratischen Staates an Bedeutung. Dabei stehen subnationale Einheiten im Fokus, da diese insbesondere in föderalistischen Staaten dem Standortwettbewerb ausgesetzt sind. Mit der zunehmenden Internationalisierung der Politik geht zudem auch eine Rückbesinnung auf unmittelbarere Politikbeteiligung einher. Hier bilden die Kantone den primären Handlungsrahmen für mehr Bürgernähe. Die in der Literatur zur Krise der Demokratie prominent debattierte Beobachtung der Legitimationskrise macht schliesslich auch vor subnationalen Einheiten nicht halt: politische Apathie, abnehmendes politisches Vertrauen und schwindende Unterstützung des politischen Systems lassen sich auch auf regionaler Ebene ausmachen und mindern so auch die Qualität kantonaler Demokratien. Es dürfte deshalb von Interesse sein, die Kantone hinsichtlich ihrer Demokratiequalität zu beurteilen.